One week after the Georgian elections, the situation has become somewhat clearer. The evidence that the election was not “free and fair” has been mounting. There has been widespread condemnation and concern from the international community. The Russian role in the process has become more evident. And in the next few days, we will know the plans for protests agreed by the opposition parties.
My Vote, a local observer mission uniting dozens of civil society organisations, called for the annulment of the results in hundreds of precincts with over 400,000 voters — but their demand was rejected by the Georgian government. The Georgian Young Lawyers’ Association (GYLA) has called for the results of all 2,263 electronic precincts to be annulled, citing mass violations of voting secrecy. Two respected US-based pollsters have accused the Georgian Dream government of widespread vote tampering, with one declaring that the discrepancy between the official results and their exit polls was “statistically impossible”.
The European Union and United States have expressed concerns as well. A US State Department spokesman called for a full investigation. It is not yet clear if the international community will be satisfied with a local investigation — or if it will demand international involvement.
Under pressure, some Georgian government agencies have announced investigations. The Special Intelligence Service says it’s looking into possible illegal interference with work of journalists covering the elections. Among others, the European Federation of Journalists has raised concerns about this.
And the Prosecutor’s Office claims it has opened dozens of new cases investigating “vote rigging, influencing voters’ will, violation of the secrecy of voting, vote buying, obstruction of journalistic work, violation and threats during pre-election agitation, damage and destruction of property.”
But not everyone is convinced that these investigations will produce any positive results. Among them is Georgia’s President, Salome Zurabishvili, who was summoned by the Prosecutor’s Office for questioning. Zurabishvili has been outspoken in her criticism of the Georgian Dream government and the elections, and has played a leading role working with the opposition parties to challenge the results.
She has pointed a finger at Russian involvement in the flawed vote, and announced that her summoning by the Prosecutor’s Office “strangely coincided” with a statement by former Russian President Dmitry Medvedev. Medvedev called Zurabishvili a “puppet president” who “refused to accept the election and went against the Constitution by calling for a coup.” He added ominously: “The standard practice in such cases is removal from office and arrest.”
The Georgian Dream leaders insist that the elections were free and fair. Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze said that “Russia has no influence in Georgia.” They have adopted the Russian line that if there was any electoral interference in Georgia, it came from the West, yet another of the “colour revolutions” that have toppled authoritarian, pro-Russian regimes in the last couple of decades.
Meanwhile, a Russian attempt to wrest control of Moldova has failed, with the pro-European president Maia Sandu winning a second term in office. After her win, Sandu shared a message on X to the Georgian people: “I admire your resilience and determination to build a free, European future. Stand strong—Moldova is with you.”
What will the Georgian opposition parties and civil society do now?
Three of the four big opposition blocs – Coalition for Change, Unity and Strong Georgia — are holding a rally on 4 November at which they will present a detailed plan of action.
It will certainly include a return to mass street protests in the hope that, as was the case during Georgia’s Rose Revolution in November 2003, mass election fraud will lead to mass protests.
In fighting for democracy and a European future for their country, the Georgians are fighting for all of us. They deserve our solidarity.
This article appears in this week’s issue of Solidarity.